close
close

King Abdullah II’s silence on the terrorist attack on Allenby sends a strong echo

King Abdullah II’s silence on the terrorist attack on Allenby sends a strong echo

Over 27 years ago, in March 1997, seven young Israeli girls aged 13 to 14 were brutally massacred by Ahmad Daqamseh, a Jordanian soldier, during a trip to the ironically named Island of Peace in Naharayim.

Daqamseh, who claimed the girls deserved this because they “made fun of him while he was praying,” is still considered a “hero” by much of Jordanian society today. His family has reportedly expressed pride in his horrific actions.

What happened next shocked the whole world: in an act of courage and simple humanity, the Jordanian monarch, King Hussein himself, decided to cut short a diplomatic visit to Spain and pay his last respects to the grieving families in their own homes, kneeling before the parents and expressing his condolences and apologies. This gesture was particularly significant in the Middle East, where honor plays a major social role.

“Your daughter is like my daughter, and your loss is my loss. May Allah help you to bear this pain and bless and protect you,” the former Jordanian king told one of the grieving mothers.

The then PA chief Yasser Arafat hugs Jordan's King Hussein after he received the German Media Prize in Baden-Baden in 1997. In September 1970, the two heads of state were bitter enemies. (Source: REUTERS)

Miri Meiri, the mother of Ya'ala Meiri, who was massacred by Daqamseh, later testified about the king's visit: “His eyes were full of consolation… I will always carry this moment with me. That a leader like Hussein, King Hussein, can also be a humane person, a man with a noble spirit.”

A vicious circle of Jordanian violence

Twenty-seven years have passed and another Jordanian citizen committed a heinous crime: he killed three Israeli workers at the Allenby Bridge, the Israeli-Jordanian border crossing.

The perpetrator, Maher Al-Jazi, is reportedly from Jordan's non-Palestinian tribal minority, which some estimates put at around 20% of the population. Al-Jazi is reportedly from the southern province of Ma'an, an area considered particularly poor and once a stronghold of jihadist elements that worried local authorities.

Just like 27 years ago, Jordanians across the country cheered and celebrated after the attack, handing out candy for the murder of the three innocent 50- to 60-year-olds and praising Al-Jazi for his supposed “heroic” act. But this time, no king was to be seen or heard.

Jordanian officials, such as the Foreign Ministry, commented casually that the country “condemns violence and attacks on civilians for any reason.” Yet King Abdullah II’s silence resonates even louder than the music and cheers of the crowds.


Stay up to date with the latest news!

Subscribe to the Jerusalem Post newsletter


King Abdullah's silence is particularly notable because then-President Shimon Peres and a number of Israeli politicians had publicly and personally expressed their condolences to the king in 2014 after a Jordanian citizen was shot at that same Allenby Bridge while allegedly trying to steal a gun from a security guard. This time, the monarch chose silence over speech.

Israel and Jordan: A relationship full of ups and downs

Relations between Israel and Jordan are as complex as they can be in the Middle East. Historically, the Zionist leadership and the Hashemite family have enjoyed close relations. Examples include the Weizman-Faisal Agreement of 1919, which provided for mutual recognition of the political aspirations of the Zionist movement and the Hashemites, or Hussein's warning to the Israeli leadership in 1973 of impending war.

Other, lesser-known examples include meetings between the leaders of the Yishuv and the Hashemite family in the 1920s and 1930s, during which possible cooperation in the field of electricity was discussed and there was even an offer to Jews to buy land in the Transjordan region.

On the other hand, the two countries are constantly at odds when it comes to regional issues, especially Jerusalem. For a century, the Hashemites, who lost control of Islam's holy sites in Mecca and Medina to the Al-Saud family in the 1920s, have tried to establish their legitimacy to rule by emphasizing their responsibility for Islam's third holiest site in Jerusalem: the Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock.

In the 1994 peace agreement, Israel recognized the Hashemites' “special role” in the city, a kind of guardian role. The current status quo is that the Jordanian-backed Waqf is responsible for the maintenance of the Temple Mount. This fact causes much friction both with militant Palestinians who reject foreign Jordanian rule in the holy city and with the Israeli government, which sees united Jerusalem as its eternal capital.

Jordan's Palestinians, who conservatively estimate that they make up around 65 percent of the population, are also a source of friction between the two countries. Although the two neighbors officially signed a peace treaty three decades ago, that peace remains largely frozen, with the country's unions, businesses and politicians vying to blacklist and shame anyone who dares to normalize relations with Israel.

Despite this, the two countries boast a symbiotic relationship

Jordan benefits primarily from Israel's expertise in areas such as water, agriculture and tourism, although to a lesser extent since the October 7 massacre. The two countries constantly exchange intelligence and information on jihadist and Iranian threats on routes to and from Jordan.

Israel and Jordan are aware that the Hashemite Kingdom is an indispensable asset in containing Iranian influence in the Middle East. For example, the Jordanian Air Force participated in defending its airspace during the Iranian ballistic attack in April 2024, and Jordanian intelligence took steps to prevent arms and drug smuggling along the largely open borders with Iraq, Syria, and the West Bank.

For the foreseeable future, despite all differences, frictions and ideological differences, the two neighbors will continue to fight together to ward off Iranian and jihadist influence.

However, in the spirit of good neighbourliness and in the interests of historical relations and future generations, the Jordanian leadership should be expected to remain as courageous as King Hussein, to express condolences to the families of those killed by Jordanian nationals and to openly condemn any form of celebration of violence and terror.



Related Post