In Israel, grief has turned to anger. Can Benjamin Netanyahu survive the biggest challenge to his rule?

Kuala Lumpur: Israelis are once again voicing their anger over the government's failure to reach an agreement on the release of hostages still held by Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

Hundreds of thousands of protesters have taken to the streets across the country in recent days, with some gathering outside the homes of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the US embassy. The first nationwide strike since the Hamas attack last October also brought the country to a standstill.

The protests were sparked by the discovery of the bodies of six hostages who had been executed by Hamas shortly before Israeli forces discovered them. On Monday, Netanyahu made a rare apology to the families.

The demonstrations mark a new low point in the relationship between large parts of the Israeli public and their elected government; a rescue no longer seems possible.

So how will Netanyahu react? Two years of mass demonstrations Since the formation of the most right-wing government in Israel's history in January 2023, massive protests have been the order of the day in Israel.

For much of 2023, protesters took to the streets to express their outrage at the government's plans to reform the judicial system, which aimed to limit the power of Israel's Supreme Court.

And after Hamas's October 7 terrorist attack on southern Israel, hostages' families held regular rallies calling on the government to do everything possible to bring them home – including making painful concessions to Hamas in ceasefire negotiations.

On October 7, around 250 men, women and children were kidnapped. More than 100 were released in a hostage exchange with Hamas in November. Around 100 people are still being held captive, including 35 who are believed to be dead.

Between a rock and a hard place Endless rounds of ceasefire negotiations since the beginning of the war – mediated by the United States, Egypt and Qatar – have produced no concrete results.

After months of wrangling, the US plans to present both sides with a deal it calls a “take it or leave it” in the coming weeks.

While Hamas insists on a complete Israeli withdrawal from the entire Gaza Strip as part of the agreement, Israel demands a continued Israeli troop presence in two corridors of the enclave.

The mediators had hoped that a compromise could be reached, but Netanyahu recently hardened his stance.

Last week, the security cabinet backed his position that any ceasefire agreement would require Israeli forces to remain stationed in the Philadelphia Corridor, a buffer zone between Egypt and Gaza. Earlier, Netanyahu reportedly clashed with the country's top security chiefs, who had urged him to agree to a deal.

Politically, the prime minister is in a dilemma. His coalition partners, the far-right ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, are threatening to overthrow the government if Netanyahu accepts a “promiscuous” deal with Hamas that does not guarantee “complete victory” in the war.

Both are leading figures of a fringe group of settlers with grandiose visions regarding the resettlement of Jews in the Gaza Strip.

At the same time, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, a bitter rival of Netanyahu, accused him of deliberately sabotaging any chance of a hostage deal in order to ensure his own political survival.

Gallant argues that a ceasefire is the only way to release the hostages and end the Gaza war so that Israeli forces can mobilize against the dramatic threat from the north – namely Hezbollah, the Iranian proxy terrorist force positioned along the Lebanese border.

Since October 7, some 60,000 Israelis living near the border have become refugees within their own country due to Hezbollah's incessant attacks. (Some 100,000 people have also been displaced in Lebanon.) The government's failure to make the lives of the hostages a top priority is made worse by the callousness of senior officials. Netanyahu was even quoted in July as saying, “The hostages are suffering, but they are not dying.”

“Shake those who need to be shaken” In recent weeks, it has become painfully clear that Netanyahu was wrong. The discovery of more and more bodies of hostages in the Gaza Strip shocked Israelis.

The straw that broke the camel's back came on August 31, when Israeli soldiers discovered the bodies of the six hostages killed by Hamas.

The outrage grew even more when it became known that some of the young men and women were to be released as part of the ceasefire proposal discussed weeks ago.

The mass protests are proof that many people in Israel feel abandoned by their own government, which they believe has betrayed the Jewish moral principle: “All of Israel is responsible for one another” (Kol Yisrael arevim zeh lazeh).

The Histadrut, the umbrella organization of Israeli trade unions, called for a nationwide strike on Monday to “shake those who need to be shaken.” The government obtained an injunction to end the strike, but not before many parts of the Israeli economy were shut down for several hours, including the airport, schools and banks.

Despite the emotional upheaval on the streets, Netanyahu is unlikely to change course. He has the support of his base and the encouragement of some conservative pollsters who say he is slowly regaining popularity among right-wing voters. He probably has more to lose by making concessions to Hamas now than by making a deal.

The planned elections are at least two years away. New elections could only be held if five members of the ruling coalition join the opposition and issue a vote of no confidence. However, this is unlikely as it would end their political careers. His main rivals also do not have a clear majority to topple the government on their own.

In the background, the ongoing trial against Netanyahu for alleged corruption, fraud and breach of trust still plays a major role.

Regardless, Netanyahu may firmly believe that his policies, even if unpopular, will weaken Hamas and prevent another massacre like the one on October 7.

Meanwhile, hope for the hostages' families is fading fast amid nationwide fear. Healing the deep wounds in Israeli society and the national psyche after October 7 can only begin once this painful chapter is closed. Such a process is also a crucial prerequisite for any progress toward peace between the Jewish state and the Palestinians. (The Conversation)